An illustrated line-drawn map of the NYC water supply system including the watersheds, tunnels, and NYC.

This is a story that explores the complex history of New York City’s drinking watershed. The story will be told incrementally, beginning in geologic time, and ending where we are today.

This living document will grow over the course of a year—A Year of Public Water—from June 2020 to June 2021. Check back weekly for new content or follow #YearOfPublicWater on Instagram and Twitter.

Timeline / Table of Contents

Key  Underlined text: available content   Regular text: future content scheduled for release


International Water Infrastructure Privatization, Part II

Mismanaged Water Infrastructure Privatization

The Water System Updates

Power Sharing and Participation, Part I

Power Sharing and Participation, Part II

Filtration, Part I

Filtration, Part II


The Present, Part I

The Present Part II

The Future

A Story About the NYC Drinking Watershed


June 29, 2020

The US is experiencing not only a substantial economic and public health crisis related to Covid-19 but an underlying public water crisis. Millions of people face obstacles to access safe, clean running water daily. Agricultural runoff, byproducts of disinfection agents, as well as aging infrastructure like lead pipes have contaminated drinking water, especially in minority and low-income communities. In 2014, the city of Detroit began disconnecting residents’ water as part of a debt-collection program, and has since disconnected over 141,000 households in an act that the United Nations deemed a human rights violation. Infrastructure repairs, environmental clean-ups, and water privatization have all led to higher costs for individuals. While the cost for water has been rising around the US, the billion-dollar bottled water industry continues to use public water sources at unimaginably low costs for their products. (The Guardian, June 23, 2020)

Last month, additional EPA regulations were rolled back, this time Section 401 of the Clean Water Act. Section 401 gives states and First Nations veto power over industry projects that would impact local populations. These rollbacks make it easier for industries to frack, mine, and build pipelines in sensitive areas. This will affect land, air, and water, creating additional environmental sacrificial zones (mining and fracking have been found to heighten drinking water contamination risk from toxins like benzene, diesel, heavy metal pollution, cyanide and sulphuric acid to name some).

New York and surrounding states have used Section 401 to protect residential drinking water numerous times, including by creating high profile projects like the Constitution Pipeline and the Northeast Supply Enhancement Pipeline. Addressing environmental, health, and economic conditions in and around New York City’s watershed is a vital precondition for the creation of a more just present and future for urban and rural New Yorkers.

The Manhattan Prong 

The Manhattan Prong was formed approximately 550 million years ago and extended all the way to southwest Connecticut (from the Algonquian Quinnitukqut meaning “at the long tidal river”). Its formation consisted of rolling hills and valleys, controlled by the underlying bedrock. Much of the bedrock was covered by Atlantic Coastal Plain deposits. Metamorphic rocks resistant to erosion comprised the hills, including the Fordham and Yonkers Gneiss, the Lowerre Quartzite, and the Manhattan Schist. The Hudson, Harlem, and East Rivers and the major north-south valleys in (what is now often referred to colonially as) northern Westchester County are all underlain by easily-erodible Inwood Marble formed from the metamorphosing of shallow water marine carbonate and clastic sediment. The formation of Inwood marble extended to the Inwood section of northern Manhattan. The rocks of the Manhattan Prong were tightly folded and metamorphosed primarily during the Taconian Orogeny, about 450 million years ago.

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In Geologic Time 

Much of New York State’s bedrock and the Adirondack Mountains were formed by ancient Precambrian crystalline basement rock forms. About 450 million years ago the biotite-rich bedrock (made of gray quartz and white orthoclase) known as the Manhattan Schist transformed from shale to metamorphic rock, and constituted part of Manhattan (from the Munsi language of the Lenni Lenape/Delaware “island of many hills”) during continental collision between the floor of the present-day Atlantic Ocean, and what would later be known as the East Coast of North America. In the area often referred to as midtown Manhattan, the bedrock lies within a few feet of the ground’s surface, and within 40 feet of the surface in lower Manhattan making skyscrapers possible, whereas accessing the bedrock was (and still is) cost-prohibitive at a depth of 4-5 times deeper in other parts of so-called New York City.

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A line drawing map of the supercontinent Rodinia
Shallow Seas 

During the Paleozoic Era, parts of the region were uplifted to form the Allegheny Plateau (a physiographic section of the larger Appalachian Plateau province). Other areas nearby were flooded by shallow seas depositing sedimentary rock sequences. Stream erosion crossed the plain and carved away all of the rock except the harder stone of the higher peaks of the Catskill Mountains, which all have about the same elevation today.  Much of the rocks in the Catskill Mountains were deposited by rivers near sea level, and are com­posed of Devonian-aged sed­i­men­tary bedrock (sand­stones, shales and con­glom­er­ate formed in ancient river val­leys). The green and red­ striated clays visible on the edges of stream ­banks are ancient glacial lake deposits eroded from siltstones and shales that contain fossil remains of plants, clams, and insects from the Devonian Period.

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A map of New York State with geologic areas color coded, eg. Atlantic Coastal Plain, Adirondack Mountains, Manhattan Prong.
The Pleistocene

Fast forward to 2.6 million years ago and in the Pleistocene Epoch glaciers carried along vast amounts of sands, soils, gravel, and boulders leaving deposits up to 300 meters thick in some valleys. This left the Catskill region low and flat, and hollowed existing trenches as mammoth ice sheets repeatedly advanced across New York State. The towering ice widened and expanded former river valleys to make the Finger Lake troughs. Some of the finger lakes were pushed down so deeply by these glaciers that their earlier bedrock floors lie below sea level.

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A satellite photo of the Finger Lakes region of NY with regions covered in snow

While it took 3.8 billion years to sequester minerals that surround what is still commonly referred to as New York City and build a baptismal freshwater flow, it took less than 100 years of industrial experimentation to corrupt it, and more than 150 years to build a public water system that’s been continually in process…

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A photo of outcrops of rounded Stromatolite forms in a shallow pool of seawater
Stromatolites at Lake Thetis, Western Australia. Image Credit: Ruth Ellison / Creative Commons.
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Colonization and the Power of Language

At the time of European contact in the 16th and 17th centuries, the Wappingers and Canarsee inhabited Manhattan Island in semi-permanent settlements. They were Eastern Algonquian-speaking subgroups of the Algonquian peoples. The Lenni Lenape once occupied most of the northeast coast and Westchester, Putnam, and Dutchess Counties as well as the land between the Delaware and Hudson Rivers—this is known as Lenapehoking, meaning Land of the Lenape. As the myth goes, the Dutch “purchased” Manahatta island from the Canarsee Lenape in 1626. The Canarsee likely viewed the “sale” of Manhattan as a deal to share the land, but not to sell it. The transaction, enforced by the eventual building of a wall around what the Dutch had renamed as New Amsterdam, marked the very beginning of a forced mass migration of the Lenni Lenape from their homeland. The wall, which started showing up on maps in the 1660s, was built to keep the Native Americans and the British out. It eventually was renamed Wall Street, and Manahatta was renamed Manhattan (Smithsonian). Lenni Lenape placenames including Gowanus, Hackensack, Manhattan, Passaic, Rockaway, and Weehawken make up the toponymy of metropolitan New York. 

The Lenni Lenape of the Eso­pus (including Catskill, Mamekoting, Waranawonkong, and Wawarsink) lived within the water­shed and began encoun­ter­ing Dutch set­tlers in the early 1600’s. Later, waves of immi­grants settled in the area. The new arrivals slowly pushed Native Americans from these ances­tral lands. Historians have traced the beginning of water privatization to around the same time as in Malvern, England. There, spring water was first bottled on a commercial scale at The Holy Well. During the second Anglo-Dutch War, New Amsterdam was renamed New York to honor the Duke of York. The Duke of York later became King James II of England and James VII of Scotland. In 1667, the first public well was dug in front of Bowling Green, New York.

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A map of lower manhattan in the 1600s.
A 1664 map of New Amsterdam, now lower Manhattan. The wide street is now Broadway, and Wall Street is the line with guard towers. Broadway formed from the trails of the Lenape trade route known as the Wickquasgeck trail, named after the Wickquasgeck people, a sub-tribe of the Wappingers who inhabited north Manhattan. The trail was named Brede weg, and later Broadway.
Toxic Water, Part I

While New York City’s water is now touted as some of the cleanest, unfiltered water, this was hardly the case in the 1600’s. The first well dug in 1667 pumped briny water, so most people drank from the Collect, which was the region’s main freshwater source. However, the Collect eventually became a site to dump chamber pots, dead animals, and tannery waste. It became so polluted the city paved over it, becoming Paradise Square, then Five Points, now Collect Pond Park. In the early 1700’s cleaner water was arduously transported from Brooklyn to Manhattan, which was tapped from wells in Brooklyn and western Long Island. While Brooklyn had an adequate supply of clean groundwater, it could not meet the needs of both Brooklyn and Manhattan residents. As the city’s population increased through the 19th century, more wells were dug without separate systems for sewage and garbage. Additionally, the wells that were dug to tap groundwater were stone-lined and became contaminated with salt water from the Hudson and East Rivers.

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A view of Collect Pond and Its vicinity in 1793 (cropped from a 1846 broadside issued by John Hutchings). Note the water pump landmarked on the right side of the map, and the two tan yards located at the pond’s edge at Pearl Street and Anthony Streets.
Toxic Water, Part II

Further fueling the quest for clean water, the foul quality of Manhattan’s water supply caused epidemics of yellow fever (the first of six epidemics killed nearly six percent of the population) and cholera. (The cholera outbreak was caused by the bacterium Vibrio cholerae, often found in contaminated water.) On June 26th, 1832 the first cholera outbreak struck Manhattan. Wealthy New Yorkers fled to the country to avoid infection (about one third of the population), leaving mostly immigrants and low-income families. More than 3,500 people died, with the first of many deaths in the Five Points neighborhood (current day Foley Square and Chinatown), where many Irish-Catholic immigrants and African Americans lived. The need for a new supply of fresh water for residents was crucial.

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A stereoscopic black and white photograph of a street in Five Points. The view looks down the middle of a dirt covered street with horse-drawn carriages and stores.
Stereoscopic view of the Five Points area. Source: The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library Digital Collections. Issued in 1870.

Around the same time, much of New York’s Catskill Mountain region and the Ashokan Watershed area had become central to resource extraction. Tanneries would be supplied by the area’s verdant hemlock trees, while charcoal kilns and quarries sprung up along rivers, creeks, lakes, streams and expanding trade routes.

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A photograph of a factory with tanning baths covering the floor of the space in a grid formation. In
Tan Yard. Endicott Johnson Plant, Endicott NY. 1917. Source: New York State Archives. Education Dept. Division of Visual Instruction. Instructional lantern slides, ca. 1856-1939. Series A3045-78, No. 9967.
Privatization, Part I: International Water Infrastructure

Internationally, a procession of water giants began to surface: Suez, Veolia, and Thames were among them. The dissolution of land-based commons (and with it, appropriation of many peoples sustenance) was perceived essential for the industrial revolution to provide the amount of “natural resources” to process raw material into industry. Commoditization of land, water, forests, fisheries, seeds, and knowledge had propelled a particular logic of privatization which would later become a crucial aspect of free trade ideology.

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A photograph of a man-made canal/river flanked by grassy green meadow. Homes can be seen in the distance. A footbridge crosses over the river and two white swans are swimming in the water about to go under the bridge.
The New River at Hertford, 2013. Thames Water, the UK’s largest water and wastewater services company, can trace its history back to the building of the New River, from 1609 to 1612, which channelled fresh water from Hertfordshire to the New River Head in Islington. Source: Image via Flickr, Jayembee69
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Privatization, Part II: Hamilton, Burr, and the Manhattan Company

Manhattan’s drinking water went through several privatization schemes as early as the 18th century. These were led by two State Assemblymen, Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr. Burr convinced city officials that public funds would be inadequate to develop a suitable reservoir and aqueduct. He created the Manhattan Company (later to become Chase Bank) to serve the public as the sole supplier of water and took control of the city’s water system in 1799. However, hidden in the bill that granted a charter to the Manhattan Company was a clause that stated that the company could use any surplus capital for other purposes. The company was expected to tap into the Bronx River but instead drilled wells into the polluted Collect Pond, which was much cheaper. Additionally, the company only laid 23 miles of pipes and charged an expensive rate of 20 dollars a year, which made it inaccessible to many citizens. Two thirds of the population still relied on polluted wells or buying spring water from expensive private vendors. Because of these failures, in 1816 several Common Council committees were appointed to investigate whether the legislature could grant the city the right to build a public water supply; however, nothing immediate was done about the toxic water and poor service. The first changes began around 1828 after repeated fires destroyed blocks because water mains and fire hydrants had not been extended to all parts of the city.

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A watercolor illustration of a white 2-story sized building with greek-like columns. The building is flanked by two colonial style residential buildings. The street in front shows a few people and a horse and buggy.
Manhattan Company Reservoir on Chambers Street, watercolor, G.P. Hall & Sons, 1825. Source: and Museum of the City of New York.
The Old Croton Dam

After exploring alternatives, in the late 1820’s, city officials made plans to extract water from the Croton River in Westchester County. The development of the city’s first successful public water supply system was a major engineering undertaking, constructed by almost 4,000 immigrants. The Old Croton Dam created a lake about 400 acres in size. The dam received considerable pushback from Westchester residents, who argued that it “disfigured their fields and divided property.” Water started flowing through the aqueduct on June 22, 1842, bringing water 41 miles from the Croton River to reservoirs in Manhattan. This changed domestic life in the city. Baths and running water were built in the private homes of wealthy New Yorkers, and public bathing facilities were constructed for everyone else. However, the decline in the number of residents drawing water from the city’s wells rose the water table and created floods. In an effort to further sanitation, city agencies also built sewers in many residential streets.

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A map of Westchester with counties in different colors. Includes property owners names.
Map of Westchester County, NY from actual surveys. Issued 1858.
Source: Library of Congress. Link.
From Westchester to a Manhattan Potter’s Field

Many New York City residents viewed the watershed as an abstraction, and yet lived with some of its prominent infrastructure that transformed the face of the city. This included the High Bridge (which carried the old Croton Aqueduct over the Harlem River into Manhattan), Central Park’s two reservoirs, and the Croton Reservoir at Manhattan’s Murray Hill. The Croton Reservoir, with its 50’ high granite walls and public promenade atop, stood where the main branch of the New York Public Library and Bryant Park are today. Before it was a reservoir, the land where Bryant Park now stands was a potter’s field. To build the reservoir, thousands of bodies needed to be exhumed and reburied on Wards Island. The reservoir contributed to 5th Avenue becoming one of Manhattan’s most fashionable streets.

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A black and white photograph of a large brick structure, about 10 stories high  a single entrance/door and no windows. There is an American flag atop the structure. There are people walking around it. There are vines growing on the outside of the structure.
Photograph of Croton Aqueduct’s Distributing Reservoir, also known as the Murray Hill Distributing Reservoir on the corner of Fifth Avenue and 42nd Street, New York City, 1902. Source: Robert L. Bracklow Photograph Collection, New-York Historical Society.
Becoming Boroughs

Brooklyn’s water supply was falling short of demand. The inducement of an improved water supply provoked Brooklyn and Staten Island’s residents to vote for annexation by Manhattan, and to become boroughs of New York City. However, this incorporation would require New York City to undertake another expansion. The commonality between all of the options for expanding New York City’s drinking water supply was the local communities disdained and resented the idea of ceding current or future water sources to the city.

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A scan of the cover page from the "Brooklyn Eagle Library" publication. Dated Feb 1897. The words "The Charter for the Greater New York" is written in gothic red letters on a pink color paper. There are stamps with the Library of Congress on the cover.
The Charter for the Greater New York; Cover page of the report of the Commission and acts supplementary to the charter as submitted to the State Legislature by the Commission on the Greater New York. Published in 1897. Source: Library of Congress.

As New York City looked to expand its water supply beyond the Croton Dam, both public and private sectors stymied the city’s ability to gain access to drinking water. The most egregious was likely the private Ramapo Water Company (likely named after the town in Rockland County, which was named after the Ramapough Lenape Nation meaning “sweet water” or “slanting rocks”), who attempted to gain control of the Catskill watershed in anticipation of the city’s needs. In 1895, the State’s Legislature granted Ramapo land and water rights in the Catskills. Under Ramapo’s control, the city would lose control over the design and cost of the city’s water supply. Furthermore, it was publicly disclosed that privatization would result in an annual municipal deficit and almost triple water costs to the city. Under pressure from the City Merchants Association and the City Comptroller, the State Legislature repealed its decision in 1901.

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A map on faded yellow paper of the Ramapo River Watershed. The area is isolated from its surroundings. Bodies of water are colored blue. The area is rich in topographic lines which indicate hills, mountains, and valleys.
Map of watershed of Ramapo River. Issued 1894. Created by C.C. Vermeule. Source: NYPL Digital Collections. Link.
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From the Housatonic to the Hudson – Two Plans Subsequently Scrapped

Populations, politics and hydrology shaped New York City’s drinking water. As the city was searching for more water sources in the early 1900s, the ten mile Housatonic watershed (much of which was in Connecticut) was identified as the most promising water source for the city. By 1903 however, legal precedent had established the practical impossibility of tapping interstate waters. That year, an engineering report was completed with a recommendation for the city to develop two new watersheds, one east of the Hudson River in Dutchess County (because of its quick three year build-out timeline), and the longer term Catskill Mountains watershed. Its lacustrine marshes, stagnant pools and rushing spates would later be broken up into the Catskill and Delaware watersheds. The Hudson River was one of New York City’s top options for drinking water because it didn’t cross state lines, even though Albany and Poughkeepsie depended on it for drinking water and it was polluted further downstream. What kept it from being developed, however, may have been its perception: would a city with such tremendous political power not be able to access the cleanest water for its residents?

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A color photograph of a large mountain in the background and a lake in the foreground. There is thick forestland between with many mature evergreen trees.
Lake Tear of the Clouds in the Adirondack Mountains, a source of the Hudson River. Source: New York State Dept. of Environmental Conservation.
The New Croton Reservoir

By 1906, the aqueduct commission had completed the New Croton Dam which expanded the existing Old Croton Reservoir to include the sprawling New Croton Reservoir, the centerpiece of the Croton network. New York added two more reservoirs over the next several years, finally completing the water system that had begun construction in 1837. The Croton project developed supporters in the budding Westchester County suburbs and nearby communities because they would be able to tap into the water system for their own use. However, it came with many struggles for other Westchester residents. New York City did not pay taxes and often abused farmers and their property, including burning their houses and barns. Going forward, this would be the extent of New York City’s ability to build in Westchester County due to restrictions instigated by Westchester and Dutchess County citizens and put in place by state officials.

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A cropped topographic map of Westchester and the Croton Dam. Towns noted on the map are Mount Kisco, Newcastle, and Pines Bridge. The New Aqueduct is indicated in a dotted line adjoined to the Croton Dam striking southwards. Croton Lake is color coded in blue, and surrounded with a larger pink shaded area, noting the newer Croton Reservoir that will be constructed around it.
Aqueduct Commissioners topographical map of Croton Water Shed: W.E. Worthen C.E. ; J.A. Valles, 1889, Brooklyn Historical Society. Link. The pink shading around the blue lake (existing Croton Lake) denotes the reservoir construction zone.
Water Expansion by Eminent Domain, Part I

While New York City’s use of eminent domain began in 1830, the New York State Public Health law of 1905 allowed New York City to acquire land through eminent domain specifically for the expansion of the water supply area. The use of eminent domain forced thousands to move involuntarily, creating significant animosity towards the city. The uprooting of these families also affected the economy of the region. Much of the area was dedicated to farming, particularly in low lying land by rivers and creeks, which had more productive soil. However, this was exactly the land that the city took in order to build the reservoirs.

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A black and white photograph of a three story house in the background, its foundation hovering above the ground below with logs at its base. In the foreground there are horses, men, and evidence of a pulley system with ropes.
Whole towns were flooded to build the New Croton Reservoir. Schools, shops, houses, and cemeteries were relocated. Some were rebuilt while others were towed to new towns beyond the flood zones. Above, documentation from the relocation of the village of Katonah: The Chapman House, ca. 1896, being moved to its new location, with the Chapman family still living in it during the process (note the laundry line). Source: Westchester Archives, Virtual Archives. Link.
Water Expansion by Eminent Domain, Part II

For future expansion, the Catskill watershed looked the most promising. However, the support of Catskill residents was divided. Some seemed eager to sell their land to the city and others were wary of losing their homes and livelihoods to eminent domain. In stronger opposition, the representatives of Ulster County in Albany preemptively filed legislation to bar New York from tapping the county’s waters. Over the course of a few years however, this political landscape had changed.

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A black and white photo of a country setting. A corner of a fence is in the foreground with one side of the fence extending into the far distance on the left. The fence is made from timber posts and rectangular wire fencing.
Typical fence along the City’s right-of-way. September 8, 1913. From the NYPL collection of photographs of the Catskill water supply system in the process of construction. Source: NYPL digital collections. Link.
Flooding the Catskills

With the sanction of higher political authorities, the city appropriated what it saw as the countryside’s resources, and remade ecosystems to sustain its own growth for decades. While Catskills settlers whose land was taken over by eminent domain did see their day in court, many said they only received a modicum of social and economic justice. While thousands of people obtained steady employment as laborers on the Catskill project, waterworks construction harmed the local economy overall by damaging  boardinghouse tourism and flooding fertile agricultural land. History repeated itself, in this case often less violently, and glossed over the sacrifices made by displaced watershed residents.

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A blue tinted photo of a natural falls in a river. The falls look to be about the size of the two-story wood barns that surround it on both sides. There are mountain ranges in the far distance.
Bishop’s Falls, Esopus Creek, about 1/2 miles above Olive Bridge dam site. Note horizontal strata of rock in creek bed. The falls and surrounding area were completely submerged in 1913, and now lay one hundred feet below water in the upper basin of the Ashokan Reservoir. Source: NYPL Digital Collections, Link.
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Building The Ashokan Reservoir

In the Catskills watershed, the Ashokan Reser­voir would hold 122.9 bil­lion gal­lons of water at full capac­ity and would sup­ply approx­i­mately 40% of New York City’s daily drink­ing water needs in non-drought peri­ods. It was constructed under the auspices of the New York City Board of Water Supply (BWS) beginning in 1907. Its weirs, dikes, and the Olive Bridge Dam backed up Esopus waters for twelve miles, necessitating the removal of homes, farms, businesses, churches, schools and other structures throughout the valley. 2,350 residents were displaced as four hamlets were flooded and eight others were relocated. Many of these residents were not paid the full value of their property and were given two months to uproot their lives and move elsewhere. From the reservoir, water entered into the Catskill Aque­duct and headed south through mountains, over 163 miles of ter­rain, and under the Hudson River to the Ken­sico Reser­voir in Yonkers, NY, which provided a safety net of two weeks water supply for New York City residents.

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A black and white photo of a landscape dotted with country houses, dilapitated sheds, and in the distance, a church steeple. The photo is taken from up on a hill of a lightly hilled landscape. It is winter as the deciduous trees are bare.
View of the old town of West Hurley, included in territory taken for the East basin of Ashokan reservoir. December 7, 1906. Source: NYPL Digital Collections, Link.
Water Labor

New immigrants made up the majority of the water infrastructure workforce, and they lived in camps, some with as many as 2,500 people. In keeping with the prejudices of the time, “Italian and black workers generally [occupied] separate quarters below the dam while white Americans lived separately.” –Board of Water Supply, Catskill Water Supply. Corralling workers’ waste before it contaminated local streams was one of the major unseen tasks of the waterworks project, and it employed hundreds more people. Eventually, though, waste in the camps became more controllable than waste from the Catskills neighbors, and project managers began to see Catskill residents as the biggest threat to the cleanliness of the drinking water supply.

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A black and white photo of laborers smoothing down concrete slabs. There is a machine in the background with workers working around and in front of it. A waist height brick wall separates the work from the background landscape which includes a body of water and a distant hazy mountain.
Highway construction, Ashokan reservoir, September 25, 1915. Source: NYPL Digital Collections. Link.
Waste in the Watercourse

In 1915, the city secured permission to enforce health and cleanliness standards over the Catskill residents. The resulting regulations created a buffer zone where nothing could be dumped or disposed of, and by the 1920s New York City was building waste treatment plants in the Catskill villages to protect its investment in the purity of mountain water. The campaign against pollution stemmed from the hefty price tag of a filtration plant. Rather than extract more revenue from city residents to build a filtration plant, the city sought to indefinitely defer filtration by imposing its police powers on watershed residents.

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A blue tinted monochrome photo looking down from a high hill at a pastoral landscape. There are a couple of cows grazing in the foreground and the smaller hills below are a patchwork of farmland.
In the Catskill region farming operations were small and produced far less waste than the massive, corporate agricultural operations that populate the U.S. today and waste management was a consideration in limiting contamination of waterways and maintaining potable water. View of Summit, Schoharie County in the Catskill Mountains, looking north from “Baldy,” elevation 2330 feet. Beards Hollow is to the north. 1923. Source: NY State Archives. Link.
Under the Hudson

Devising a means to carry water beneath the Hudson River was the most challenging aspect of the Catskill aqueduct construction. Engineers identified the area around Storm King mountain, and began an arduous process (with many failed attempts) of boring into the earth below the riverbed to locate bedrock. The tunnel was eventually built 1,100 ft below ground, which included 950 ft below the Hudson River bedrock. This bedrock buffer between the tunnel and the river bottom allowed the aqueduct to withstand the colossal pressure exerted by the river.

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A black and white photo of an underground tunnel under construction. It looks to be about two stories tall and wide. there are a group of men, dirty from working underground, gathered looking at the camera. There are rail tracks inside the tunnel and various equipment erected inside the tunnel.
Eight men in tunnel. Aqueducts – Hudson River Crossing – Catskill Aqueduct construction. Source: Library of Congress. Link.
Removing Gilboa

Despite the expansive Catskill system and the 130.5 billion gallon holding capacity of the Ashokan Reservoir, New York City continued to search for ways to obtain more water. In 1917, New York City acquired the village of Gilboa and a surrounding area of 2,435 acres, and the Board of Water Supply gained permission to build a dam to create the Schoharie Reservoir over the village of Gilboa (until 2020, the town of Gilboa contained the oldest known fossil forest in the world). Water from the Schoharie Reservoir would enter the Shandaken Tunnel, travel through the Esopus Creek, and eventually join the Ashokan Reservoir. The Schoharie Reservoir forced the removal of 350 residents in Gilboa and neighboring valley lands.

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A black and white photo of a valley landscape. In the foreground there is about 17 homes sitting on a cliff above a stream below, and looming above the town is a large dam wall under construction. There are mountains in the background.
Gilboa Dam downstream, 1925. Source: NYC Dept. of Environmental Protection via NYC H2O. Link.
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From the Supreme Court to the Delaware

Political precedent had changed since the consideration and subsequent scrapping of the Connecticut Housatonic River plan in the early 1900s. When the Schoharie Reservoir was complete, New York City’s daily water intake was rising to 42 million gallons, so the Board of Water Supply began to look into the development of the Delaware River and its tributaries. Despite state approval, the city’s plans to build five more reservoirs were challenged by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, which shared the interstate waters of the Delaware River. The dispute went to the U.S. Supreme Court, which in 1931 allowed New York City to take no more than 440 million gallons of water a day from the river system.

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A stereoscopic black and white photograph of a river seen from high up on a hill. Farmland surrounds the narrow-looking river. The text "View from summit of Mt Minsi" is typed onto the image.
View of the Delaware River from Mt. Minsi, Delaware Water Gap. Source: NYPL Digital Collections. Link.
Tapping the Delaware River

After the Supreme Court ruling, New York City built four new reservoirs. Bounded by Ulster and Sullivan County, the Rondout Reservoir commenced building in 1937 and was in service by 1951. The communities of Eureka, Lackawack, and Montela were flooded. The Neversink Reservoir in Sullivan County was completed in 1953, and the hamlets of Neversink and Bittersweet were flooded. The city acquired more than 13,000 acres for the Pepacton Reservoir in Delaware County, which was completed in 1954. The 2,400-foot-long dam enclosed the largest of the reservoirs at eighteen miles long. The Pepacton displaced 974 people in the communities of Arena, Pepacton, Shavertown and Union Grove. Another Supreme Court case allowed the city to take additional water from the Delaware River. So, in 1965 the Cannonsville Reservoir was built and completed the Catskill/Delaware water system. This reservoir displaced an additional 941 people with the flooding of five more communities: Beerston, Cannonsville, Granton, Rock Royal, and Rock Rift.

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A contemporary map of the West of Hudson watersheds, aqueducts, and reservoirs. The Delaware watershed is shaded green and touches the Delaware River on the right, close to the PA/NY border.
New York City West-of-Hudson Watershed map. Source: Catskill Watershed Corporation website. Link.

Water from the Pepacton, Neversink, and Cannonsville Reservoirs flows to the Rondout Reservoir by gravity via three tunnels, all together spanning 75 miles, and all significant infrastructure projects in themselves. The combined waters are then sent to the city in one of the world’s longest continuous underground tunnels, the Delaware Aqueduct, which bridges the span of 85 miles from the Rondout Reservoir, under the Hudson River, to Hillview Reservoir in Yonkers. 

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A blue toned monotone illustration with white border and text. The drawing is well or tunnel sticking out from the ground, with a plume of smoke and explosion debris flying in the air from it. There is a mountain ridge in the background.
An artist’s rendering of the initial blast at Shaft 3 of the Delaware Aqueduct. This is a page from the program brochure for the ceremonies initiating the tunnel construction, featuring New York City Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, which took place on March 24, 1937. Source: Ellenville Public Library & Museum / New York Heritage Digital Collections. Link.

In the 1960s, large lakes in the U.S. that were used for drinking water had mounting pollution problems. Lake Erie began making national headlines with the oft repeated “Lake Erie is Dead” due to constant dead fish along its shoreline due to waste and pesticides. At the time, 11.6 million people lived in its basin, and it was standard practice for factories to dump chemical pollutants into the lake. On the Cuyahoga River in Ohio, a tributary of Lake Erie, an oil slick on the river caught fire in June of 1969. The blaze was quick lived before it was extinguished, but caused about $50,000 in damage to railroad bridges spanning the river. The next year, congress established the Environmental Protection Agency, for the first time creating a federal bureau to oversee pollution regulations. Later, in 1986, the EPA updated the Clean Water Act, which forced the New York City government to take a stricter stance on the rules and conduct in the Catskill watershed or face the high financial costs of building a filtration plant.

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A black and white photo of a jetty on a river. A small boat is in the foreground with two men blasting water out of water canons towards the charred wood jetty. In the background black smoke rises from a charred land mass.
The aftermath of the June 22, 1969 fire as the fire boat continues to break up oil slicks. Source: Cleveland Public Library Photograph Collection via Cuyahoga River Restoration. Link.
The New York City Water Board

Until the 1970s, the city’s primary concern was meeting the city’s demand for water. However, capital investment in the water system collapsed during the fiscal crisis of 1975, and then again in the mid 1980s due in part to the city’s administrative changes with Mayor Ed Koch and a drop in federal and state funding towards the city’s budget. The drinking water system was falling into disrepair due to the aging pipes. At the same time, the EPA was beginning oversight on drinking water conditions, which were difficult to meet. To relieve pressure on the city’s budget, Koch created two semi-autonomous city agencies, the New York City Municipal Water Finance Authority and New York City Water Board. The Water Finance Authority sells bonds to pay for water projects, and the New York City Water Board sets water and sewer rates to the amount needed to pay back the bonds.

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A color photo of Mayor Ed Koch on the street with a TV reporter holding a microphone in front of the Mayor's face. The Mayor is wearing a blue collared shirt and tie. He is balding with dark/grey hair.
Ed Koch, mayor of New York City, interviewed by a WABC reporter on September 21, 1981. Koch served three terms as mayor from 1978-1989. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Link.
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The Reagan Years

Since the election of the second Reagan administration in 1984, contributions of state and federal funding to the city’s budget declined. Political pressure to hold down property taxes since the 1970s caused an increase of water and sewer prices by 200% between 1987 and 1994. To put this in perspective with water infrastructure trends in the U.S. at the time, in 1977, the U.S. spent $76 per person to support public water; that figure now stands at less than $14 per person. In the late 1990s, 43 states had private water companies operating within them and almost 600 cities held a contract with a private water company. 20 cities had more than one private company operating within the city limits. At this time, following the trends of other large U.S. cities, new regulations allowed the city to shut off the water supply in individual buildings, which has since impacted cities’ low-income households. 

“New York [City] was sort of this colossus that could do what it wanted to do. By the 1970s/80s that starts to change. And the real wake-up call comes in the late 80s, early 1990s when the federal government orders it to build a filtration plant. That’s this really significant moment where I think the story is before and after that point in time.” – David Soll, Author

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A color photograph of Ronald Reagan, Anne Gorsuch, and another man sitting around the President's table in the Oval Office. Anne Gorsuch wears clothes, hair, and makeup in the style of the 80s, with a paisley pattern dress, shiny stockings, and tan colored high heels.
President Ronald Reagan Meeting with EPA Administrator Anne Gorsuch with Craig Fuller in Oval Office, 5/20/1982. Reagan White House Photographs, 1/20/1981 – 1/20/1989. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.
Contamination and Bottled Water

The quality of New York City’s unfiltered water, specifically the Croton systems, came into question in the early 1990s. The pipes were aging, and the once sparsely populated region was becoming more developed. Particular concerns revolved around chloride levels, which had risen 265% since 1960, and the discovery of E. Coli in tap water from Chelsea and the Lower East Side (both of which were served by the Croton reservoir). In response, the city issued a boil water warning, and sales of bottled water spiked. Interestingly, however, bottled water sales had been increasing in New York even before these health alerts. Bottled water consumption grew rapidly due not only to increased anxiety over water quality, but also to the successful marketing of mineral waters as a healthy choice, particularly for wealthier residents who were the main buyers of bottled water in New York City.

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A black and white newspaper clipping. The headline reads "Water Crisis Extended in Chelsea"
Water Crisis Extended in Chelsea After New Test,” The New York Times, July 31, 1993. 
Alan Hevesi

In 1993, city Mayor Rudolph Giuliani instituted a range of cuts for social and environmental services. In May 1995, Mayor Giuliani announced his intention to sell off the entire water system to the New York City Water Board. Under the proposed deal, the city would receive $2.3 billion from the Water Board in exchange for the ownership of the entire water and sewer system. However, this attempt to find a short-term solution to the city’s growing budget deficit was blocked by the city comptroller and infamous former politician Alan Hevesi. Comptroller Hevesi rejected the idea of selling city infrastructure in order to reduce the current budget deficit as a ‘fiscal gimmick’ with detrimental long-term consequences for New York City (New York Times, 1995). Longer term, the loss of the water and sewer system would have accelerated the erosion of the city’s control of its watershed by making it easier for a New York State governor to change the composition of the city’s Water Board in favor of up-state development interests (the seven members are appointed by the city’s mayor). This would make the need for water filtration more likely in the Catskill-Delaware system, which would cost tens of billions of dollars (New York Times, 1995).

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A black and white newspaper clipping with the headline "Guiliani to Offer Plan for Selling of Water System"
Giuliani To Offer Plan For Selling Of Water System,” published April 25, 1995 in The New York Times. Source: NY Times. Link.
DEP Watershed Regulations

In an attempt to avoid spending billions of dollars on a filtration plant, New York City’s Department of Environmental Protection issued stricter regulations on upstate communities in 1990. However, the city did not consult with Catskill residents, so the release of the new regulations prompted serious backlash. State Assemblyman Richard Coombe of Grahamsville said, “We cannot afford to let New York City buy more of our land and increase its control over the watershed without considering the economic impact these actions will have on our communities.” During this time, many different businesses and committees met to discuss how to push back against the regulations. In particular, farmers in the region argued that prohibiting farm activity within 100 feet of water would put them out of business. The Catskill residents put together the Coalition of Watershed Towns and hired a law firm. After several years of negotiations and heightened animosity, the two regions came to an agreement in 1995, in part thanks to new NYC DEP Commissioner, Marilyn Gelber, who frequently traveled upstate to listen to local representatives.

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A color photo taken from up high on a mountain looking down on the Ashokan Reservoir which is surrounded by forest and mountains. The mountains in the foreground have dark patches on them caused by cloud cover.
View of the Ashokan Reservoir from Wittenberg in the Catskills. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Link.
1997 New York City Watershed Memorandum of Agreement

The city passed its watershed regulations in 1997 with the New York City Watershed Memorandum of Agreement. With it came a five year Filtration Avoidance Determination, which allowed the city time to prove that a filtration plant was unnecessary, and the ability to purchase 355,000 acres of land from willing sellers for full market value in the watershed. Upstate communities won the prohibition of property condemnation and received financial compensation for the extra costs of adhering to the new regulations. Some of the regulations included prohibiting septic tanks, fuel tanks, and impervious surfaces within 100 feet of water. Upstate communities were also allocated funds for environmentally minded economic development, which was to be run and developed by the new Catskill Watershed Corporation. 

Between 1997 and 2011, nearly 1,400 landowners signed purchase contracts to sell 120,000 acres of land or easements at fair market value in the Catskill/Delaware and Croton watershed systems. The Land Acquisition Program, started in 1997, focused mostly on forested land in the Catskill and Delaware watersheds. Prior to the start of the Land Acquisition Program, the city had purchased 44,600 acres surrounding the reservoirs. New York State also owns and protects more than 200,000 acres of watershed lands.

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A color photo of eight men and one woman standing watching a man at a podium. They are standing with their hands clasped in front of them in front of a blue curtain. They are all wearing suits.
New York Governor George Pataki at the signing of the NYC Watershed Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) in 1997. Source: Catskill Watershed Corporation. Link.
International Water Infrastructure Privatization, Part I

The city passed its watershed regulations in 1997 with the New York City Watershed Memorandum of Agreement. With it came a five year Filtration Avoidance Determination, which allowed the city time to prove that a filtration plant was unnecessary, and the ability to purchase 355,000 acres of land from willing sellers for full market value in the watershed. Upstate communities won the prohibition of property condemnation and received financial compensation for the extra costs of adhering to the new regulations. Some of the regulations included prohibiting septic tanks, fuel tanks, and impervious surfaces within 100 feet of water. Upstate communities were also allocated funds for environmentally minded economic development, which was to be run and developed by the new Catskill Watershed Corporation. 

Between 1997 and 2011, nearly 1,400 landowners signed purchase contracts to sell 120,000 acres of land or easements at fair market value in the Catskill/Delaware and Croton watershed systems. The Land Acquisition Program, started in 1997, focused mostly on forested land in the Catskill and Delaware watersheds. Prior to the start of the Land Acquisition Program, the city had purchased 44,600 acres surrounding the reservoirs. New York State also owns and protects more than 200,000 acres of watershed lands.

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A color photo of a group of mostly women outside at a parade. There are signs in Spanish saying "Agua Para Todos" and puppets of water droplets and Chilean women with hats.
On April 15, 2010, thousands marched in the streets of Cochabamba to commemorate the 10 year anniversary of their successful fight to stop the privatization of their water by Bechtel Corporation in April, 2000. Source: Photo by Peg Hunter via Flickr. Link.
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